PUBLICATIONS<\/p><\/h1><\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div>
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<\/span><\/div>Joint Comments on the Draft Law on Internal Affairs: General remarks and overview of key deficiencies<\/a><\/h3><\/div>
<\/div><\/div>Date: 28.05.2026.<\/p>\n<\/div>
Author: \t\tBelgrade Centre for Security Policy<\/p>\n<\/div>
<\/div><\/div>As the coordinator of the Working Group for Chapter 24 within the National Convention on the European Union (NCEU), BCSP compiled joint comments from nine NCEU member organizations on the Draft Law on Internal Affairs, which was subject to official public debate in April 2026.<\/p><\/div><\/div><\/li>\n
![](\"https:\/\/bezbednost.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/05\/studija11-sajt.jpg\" "\\"studija11-sajt\\"")
<\/span><\/div>Under Pressure: Digital Security of Civil Society in the Western Balkans and the European Union<\/a><\/h3><\/div>
<\/div><\/div>Date: 27.05.2026.<\/p>\n<\/div>
Author: \t\t\tAn\u0111ela Savi\u0107 | \r\n\t\t<\/p>\n<\/div>
<\/div><\/div>Civil society organisations, journalists, and human rights defenders across the Western Balkans and European Union (EU) are operating in a digital environment defined by raising threats and inadequate protection. This analysis presents findings from a needs assessment survey conducted within the \u201cDefending Digital Freedoms: Strengthening Civil Society Resilience against Digital Repression in Europe\u201d project, gathering 239 responses from 11 countries (six Western Balkan and five EU member states).<\/p><\/div><\/div><\/li>\n
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<\/span><\/div>More Than Moscow\u2019s Shadow: Serbia\u2019s Orthodox Church and Regional Influence<\/a><\/h3><\/div>
<\/div><\/div>Date: 07.04.2026.<\/p>\n<\/div>
Author: \t\tBelgrade Centre for Security Policy<\/p>\n<\/div>
<\/div><\/div>This paper examines how the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) is portrayed in existing research and media discourse, primarily as a major conduit of Russian influence in the Western Balkans through narratives tied to the Kremlin\u2019s \u201cRussian World\u201d project and hybrid warfare activities.<\/p><\/div><\/div><\/li>\n
![](\"https:\/\/bezbednost.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/studija10-sajt.jpg\" "\\"studija10-sajt\\"")
<\/span><\/div>Friends or Foes? External Actors and the EU\u2019s Western Balkans Policy<\/a><\/h3><\/div>
<\/div><\/div>Date: 24.03.2026.<\/p>\n<\/div>
Author: \t\t\tDr Sr\u0111an Cviji\u0107 | \r\n\t\t<\/p>\n<\/div>
<\/div><\/div>This publication assesses how six external actors - Russia, China, T\u00fcrkiye, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Israel, and Azerbaijan - engage with the Western Balkans (WB) and how such engagement affects the European Union (EU) enlargement process.<\/p><\/div><\/div><\/li>\n
![](\"https:\/\/bezbednost.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/02\/coleredrevolution-site.jpg\" "\\"coleredrevolution-site\\"")
<\/span><\/div>MANUFACTURED THREAT: The Use of the \u201cColour Revolution\u201d Narrative as a Tool of Authoritarian Rule in Serbia<\/a><\/h3><\/div>
<\/div><\/div>Date: 09.02.2026.<\/p>\n<\/div>
Author: \t\t\tMaja Bjelo\u0161 | \r\n\t\t<\/p>\n<\/div>
<\/div><\/div>The concept of the \u201ccolour revolution\u201d has shifted from describing democratic uprisings in post-socialist states to serving as a powerful tool of authoritarian control. In Serbia, the ruling elite\u2014drawing heavily on the Russian strategic playbook\u2014has reframed the term as a symbol of foreign subversion aimed at overthrowing the government and destabilising the country. Since 2012, this narrative has been systematically used to delegitimise dissent, protests, and civic mobilisation.<\/p><\/div><\/div><\/li>\n
![](\"https:\/\/bezbednost.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/02\/politicalelite-site.jpg\" "\\"politicalelite-site\\"")
<\/span><\/div>MADE AT HOME: Political Elites and Media Narratives on the Ukraine War in Serbia, Montenegro, and Bosnia and Herzegovina<\/a><\/h3><\/div>
<\/div><\/div>Date: 01.02.2026.<\/p>\n<\/div>
Author: \t\tBelgrade Centre for Security Policy<\/p>\n<\/div>
<\/div><\/div>The war in Ukraine has reverberated across the Western Balkans in ways that reflect the region\u2019s own political dynamics more than the influence of any external actor, including Russia. In Serbia, Montenegro, and Bosnia and Herzegovina, media coverage and public narratives surrounding the conflict have been shaped primarily by domestic political realities, local media structures, and long-standing identity divides.<\/p><\/div><\/div><\/li>\n
![](\"https:\/\/bezbednost.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/01\/pp01-eng-site-01.jpg\" "\\"pp01-eng-site-01\\"")
<\/span><\/div>SPYWARE: The Negation of Human Rights Under the Pretext of “Security”<\/a><\/h3><\/div>
<\/div><\/div>Date: 26.01.2026.<\/p>\n<\/div>
Author: \t\tBelgrade Centre for Security Policy<\/p>\n<\/div>
<\/div><\/div>The point of departure for this analysis was the idea that spyware, by its nature, is an indiscriminate, comprehensive and covert surveillance tool, structurally incompatible with the principles of necessity, proportionality and targeted data processing.<\/p><\/div><\/div><\/li>\n
![](\"https:\/\/bezbednost.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/site-cover-1.jpg\" "\\"site-cover-1\\"")
<\/span><\/div>The Ecosystem of Serbian Far-Right Telegram Channels<\/a><\/h3><\/div>
<\/div><\/div>Date: 19.01.2026.<\/p>\n<\/div>
Author: \t\tBelgrade Centre for Security Policy<\/p>\n<\/div>
<\/div><\/div>An analysis of nine far-right Telegram channels from Serbia, conducted during June and July 2025, shows that although these actors are numerically limited, they exert significant influence in spreading nationalist, pro-Russian, and anti-system narratives.<\/p><\/div><\/div><\/li>\n
![](\"https:\/\/bezbednost.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/site-cover.jpg\" "\\"site-cover\\"")
<\/span><\/div>Extremism From Above: Serbia\u2019s Ruling Party as the Principal Anti-Establishment Extremist Actor<\/a><\/h3><\/div>
<\/div><\/div>Date: 24.12.2025.<\/p>\n<\/div>
Author: \t\t\tPredrag Petrovi\u0107 | \r\n\t\t<\/p>\n<\/div>
<\/div><\/div>In the past decade, European countries have witnessed a rise in anti-establishment extremism (AEE), which challenges the modern democratic order and offers authoritarian modes of governance as a \u201csolution\u201d to consecutive, overlapping crises. <\/p><\/div><\/div><\/li>\n<\/ul>
1<\/span>2<\/a>3<\/a>4<\/a>···<\/span>34<\/a>Next<\/span><\/span><\/a><\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"100-width.php","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"coauthors":[13],"class_list":["post-21736","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/bezbednost.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/21736","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/bezbednost.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/bezbednost.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/page"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/bezbednost.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/bezbednost.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=21736"}],"version-history":[{"count":43,"href":"https:\/\/bezbednost.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/21736\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":31879,"href":"https:\/\/bezbednost.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/21736\/revisions\/31879"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/bezbednost.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=21736"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/bezbednost.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=21736"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}